Towards an automatical analysis
of a translated text and its original:
The Persian epic of Vīs u Rāmīn and the Georgian Visramiani
Jost
Gippert
0. In the field of Oriental studies, computers have not yet been as widely
accepted as in other disciplines as a means of linguistic and literary analysis. In the present paper
1, I shall discuss the facilities the computer offers
when applied for the special purpose of comparing two texts that have an
internal relationship with each other in that one of them is a translation of
the other. As I intend to show, this relationship cannot be established
"automatically" by just entering the two texts; instead, it requires a lot of
additional information that can only be handled manually.
1. The romance of
Vīs and Rāmīn as versified by the 11th century writer
Gurgānī is regarded as one of the most important literary products of
Persia. The text has hitherto seen four scholarly editions, the first of
which appeared in Calcutta 1865
2. Only the latest of these editions which
was prepared by Magali
Todua and Alexander
Gwakharia from the
Georgian Academy in Tbilisi
3 has taken into account the fact that there
exists a Georgian version of the text dating back as early as the end of the
12th century. This is the so called
Visramiani which was introduced to the
European scholarly world through the English translation from 1914 by
Oliver
Wardrop4. Of its four Georgian editions, only the one prepared by
Alexander
Gwakharia and Magali
Todua5 considers the relationship
between the
Visramiani and its Persian model.
1.1. What then can a thorough comparison of the two texts aim at? In my
view, such a comparison can have at least six aims. The first one consists
in establishing the actual relationship between the two texts, viz. whether
the Georgian text is indeed a translation of the Persian original (as most
scholars believe today) or whether it is only a free adaptation (as has
sometimes been claimed). The second aim lies in establishing the wording
of the Persian text as present when it was translated into Georgian; it must
have been still very close to the original wording at that time because the
Persian text is believed to have been written only two centuries earlier
(between 1040 and 1054). This aim was kept in mind by
Gwakharia /
Todua when they prepared their edition, and only by a new comparison
can this edition be evaluated (and, eventually, improved). The third aim
would consist in establishing the original wording of the Georgian version
as one of the most important literary monuments preserved in this language. This, too, may be done with respect to criticizing the existing
editions. As a fourth aim of a comparison, I think of analyzing the translation method as used by the translator, esp. with respect to consistency in
rendering key words. As a fifth aim, I expect it to reveal the information
the Persian original offers as to the Old Georgian language, esp. with
respect to words otherwise unknown and to the etymology of words, and
as the sixth and perhaps most important aim I hope it to bring out new
information as to the sound system of New Persian at the time of the
translation.
1.2. A short depiction of the phenomena involved may be necessary here
to show why I consider the effort of a comparison worth undertaking.
1.2.1. As was said before, most scholars nowadays believe that the Georgian Visramiani is a close translation of Gurgānī's Vīs u Rāmīn epic
although it is in prose, not a metrical text like its Persian model. The close
relationship becomes obvious just by comparing the sequence of chapters
and confronting their names as in the synoptical table given as appendix
1 at the end of this paper: although the partitioning disagrees to a certain
extent and although some chapter titles have no equivalents, the plot of the
story is visibly maintained without changes
6. And within chapters it can
easily be demonstrated as well that the translator intended to keep as close
to the original as possible, just by arranging the Georgian text according
to the metrical units of the Persian; cp. the synoptical presentation of the
beginning of chapter 24 given as appendix 2 below. Maia
Mamacašvili
who devoted a whole monograph
to the question of the relationship
between the Georgian and the Persian text
7 came to the same conclusion;
she drew our attention to the fact that some of the manuscripts preserving
the
Visramiani contain otherwise unknown punctuation marks which
coincide with bayt or half-bayt boundaries in the Persian text.
1.2.2. What information the Georgian text offers with respect to the original wording of Gurgānī's epic can be illustrated with some passages
where
Todua / Gwakharia's edition differs from
Mahǧūb's. E.g., in his
chapter 40,
Mahǧūb reads the following bayt (40, 37)
8:
tu gōyē šīr-i man rūbāhə gašt-ast
w-az-īn saxtī rux-am čūn kāhə gašt-ast
This is translated by
Morr. (77-78) in the following way:
"It is as if the lion of my soul is become a fox
and
my cheeks become like straw from this suffering."
In TG, we read instead (25, 107):
tu gōyē šīr-i man rūbāhə gašt-ast
az-īn saxtī u kōh-am kāhə gašt-ast
With the usage of
kōh-am "my mountain" instead of
rux-am "my cheek(s)"
this is nearer to the Georgian version (GT 16: 75, 17-19):
lomisa msgavsi ʒali čemi gamelebula
da šeč̣irvebisagan mta čemi gavaḳebula
This was rendered by
Ward. in the following way (66):
"From the strength of a lion I am reduced to that of a fox,
and by sorrow
my mountain is become a valley".
A word-by-word translation would run as follows:
"My strength, equal to (that) of a lion, has become (like the one of) a fox,
and from grief,
my mountain (i.e. the mountain which is me)
has become a valley."
An opposite case is TG 25, 42, where we read
hanūz-aš būdə pušt-i lab ču mulḥam
lab-aš čūn angabīn u bāda dar ham
"Yet was the
`back' of his lip like
silk cloth,
his
lip like honey and wine (mixed) in one".
as against
Mahǧūb's wording (40,8)
hanūz-aš būdə rux čūn lāla xurram
lab-aš čūn angabīn u bāda dar ham
which was rendered by
Morr. (75):
".. his
cheek was as yet
splendid as the
tulip,
his
lip like honey and wine mixed".
Here, the Georgian seems to support
Mahǧūb's text (GT 16: 73,15-16):
bageni lalsa ugvandes.
".. his
lips were like
ruby" (
Ward. 64)
Although we have only one sentence as an equivalent to the two half-bayts
in question here, we may assume that the translator chose the word
lal-
"ruby" because it sounded similar to the Persian
lāla "tulip".
1.2.3. The way in which the Persian text can be used for establishing the
original wording of the Georgian version, can be demonstrated in an equal
manner.
In the 1938 edition (BIḲ), we find the following clause (8: 24,7-8):
guloansa ṗiri broc̣eulisa q̇uavilsa uguandis
da ǯabansa siq̇uitlita — ġrianḳalsa.
This wording is in accordance with all manuscripts and is easily understandable, as
Wardrop's translation
shows (28):
"The face of the brave was like the flower of a pomegranate;
of the cowardly, like a
scorpion with yellowness."
With
Gwakharia/Todua, however, we have to conject a different reading
(GT 8: 49, 27-28)
guloansa ṗiri broc̣eulisa q̇uavilsa uguandis
da ǯabansa siq̇uitlita — drahḳansa.
which would mean
"Of (lit. to) a brave (man), the face looks equal to the blossom of
a pomegranate, and of (lit. to) the coward, (it looks equal) to the
drahḳani (-coin) by (its) yellowness."
For only this wording would agree with the Persian text (TG 16,29):
yak-ē-rā gūna šud hamrang-i dīnār
yak-ē-rā čihra šud mānand-i gul-nār
"The cheek of the one was the color of a
dīnār;
the face of the other like the pomegranate blossom." (Morr. 43)
A litteral translation would run as follows:
"Of the one, the cheek became equal in colour to a
dīnār (coin),
of the (other) one, the face became similar
to the pomegranate blossom."
The restitution of the Georgian text with the name of the coin
drahḳan-i
instead of
ġrianḳal-i "scorpion" is unproblematical from a palaeographical
point of view; cp. the two words დრაჰკანი and ღრიანკალი in (modern)
Mxedruli script. And that Georg.
drahḳan-i would be the normal equivalent of Persian
dīnār can be seen in TG 24, 56 ≈ GT 15: 71,12-13 where
both words are confronted. Besides, we may compare Lk. 20,24 where
Georgian
drahḳan-i renders Greek δηνάριον, the immediate etymon of
Persian
dīnār.
From a plentiful list of similar cases we may quote, e.g., BIḲ 13: 42,13
with Georgian ნიშანი
nišani "sign" (in accordance with all mss.) which
would have to be expected as the equivalent of Persian نشان
nišān only as
in GT 23: 65,13 ≈ TG 23,16, whereas GT (13: 63,39) have the correct
ნიშატი
nišaṭi as the counterpart of Persian نشاط
nišāṭ "merriment" (TG 22,10); and BIḲ 16: 52,15 has Georgian დასწავლებული
dasc̣avlebuli
"learned, instructed" (in accordance with a majority of mss.) as against GT
16: 72,6 with დასაწყლებული
dasac̣q̇lebuli "pitiful, deplorable" which is
the correct equivalent of Persian مهجور
mahjūr "lost, forlorn". For the case
of GT 15: 70,18 ≈ TG 24,32 cp. below.
1.2.4. As to the translation method as used by the Georgian translator, we
have already stated that his general outline must have been to keep as
close to the original as possible. For deviations from this rule, we may
suggest the following reasons:
1.2.4.1. One main reason may be styled as "ideological": The translator
had to "convert" the text from Gurgānī's Islamic background to the Christian background prevailing in Georgia. As a main effect, this conversion
resulted in the omitment of the first two chapters as well as the last one,
all of which are devoted to the praise of Allāh and Muḥammad in the
original, and in a radical shortening of the introduction (chapters 3-7),
which deals with the proper Islamic-Persian environment in which Gurgānī's opus was accomplished. Within the "conversion" phenomena, we may
note the interesting substitution of Persian
darwēš by Georgian
glaxa-
meaning "poor man, beggar" (e.g. TG 23,79 ≈ GT 14: 67,16 or TG 24,56
≈ GT 15: 71,13), or of the Islamic paradise guardian,
Riḍwān, and of
fairies,
parī, by Georgian
kaǯi "monster" (TG 25,53 ≈ GT 16: 73,27 / TG
25,131 ≈ GT 16:76,6).
1.2.4.2. A similar effect is often produced by the necessary adaptation of
specific elements of the Persian natural environment to the Georgian "reader" not familiar with them. This may be observed mainly in the areas of
fauna and flora, but also with respect to Persian geographic names, month
names, star names and the like; cp. the following sample list:
Persian nahang "crocodile" > Georgian lomi "lion" (TG 16, 14 ≈
GT 8: 49,13);
P. gawazn "roe, deer" > G. veluri txa "wild goat" (23,146 ≈ 14:
68,37-38);
P. āhū "gazelle" > G. veluri txa "wild goat" (23,9 ≈ 14: 65,9-10;
25,4 ≈ 16: 71,36-72,1);
P. gurg "wolf" > G. avaza "panther" (23,9 ≈ 14: 65,10);
P. xurmā "date tree" > G. vardi "rose" (23,69 ≈ 14: 67,2-3: xurmā
bē-xār "date [tree] without thorns" vs. vardi ueḳlo "rose without
thorns"); but in 25,184 ≈ 15: 78,4 xurmā "date (fruit)" is rendered
by the Georgian borrowing xurma;
P. sarv "cypress" > G. naʒui "spruce" (24,65 ≈ 15: 71,23; 25,5 ≈
16: 72,1; 25,130 ≈ 16: 79,5);
P. lāla "tulip" > G. vardi "rose" (24,66 ≈ 15: 71,25, but cp. G. lali
"ruby" ≈ P. lāla in 25,42 as treated above);
P. raՙd-ī nou-bahārān "spring thunder" > G. šemodgomata karni
"autumn winds" (16,5 ≈ 8:49,5-6);
P. tīq-ī hinduvāni "Indian blade" > G. basris qmali "dagger (of
steel) from Basra" (16,46 ≈ 8:50,8);
P. Tīr u Keyvān "Mercury and Saturn" > G. masḳulavni "stars"
(22,14 ≈ 13:64,1);
P. nīsān "April-May" > G. zapxuli "summer" (25,11 ≈ 16: 72,9);
P. day-māh "December-January" > G. zamtari "winter" (25,11 ≈ 16:
72,9) and > G. gazapxuli "spring" (25,116 ≈ 16: 75,29-30 abr-i dey-mahī ≈ gazapxulisa ġrubeli "spring cloud");
Esp. interesting in this respect is the frequent substitution of P.
māh
"moon" by G.
mze "sun" (or
mze da mtvari "sun and moon", e.g. TG
15,25 ≈ GT 7: 48,24
mah >
mze da mtvari; 22,1 ≈ 13:63,23:
māh-e māhān
"the moon of the moons = Vīs" >
mze-vita Visi "Vis, the sun-like"; 25,48
≈ 16: 73,21:
sīmbār māh "silver moon" >
sulieri mze "sun endowed with
a living soul"; but cp. 25,45 ≈ 16: 73,18:
māh-i jānvar "moon endowed
with a living soul" >
mtvare gavsili "full moon"), and the treatment of the
name of the river
Jeyhōn (Oxus): This is taken over as a borrowing in the
form
ǯeon-i in TG 24,52 ≈ GT 15:71,7 where it is further explained as
rōd-ī Marv "the river of Marv" ≈
Maravisa c̣q̇al-i "the water of Marv"; it
is simply omitted in 15,20 ≈ 7: 48,19-20, but rendered by
Mṭḳvari, the
name of the main river of Georgia, the
Kura, in 23,4 ≈ 14: 65,1 and
25,181 ≈ 16: 77,37.
Here of course, conclusions can only be drawn when the whole material
has been collected, for we may always be misled by single cases. Contrast,
e.g., TG 24,57 ≈ GT 15: 71,14 where Georgian
ḳanǯari "wild ass" renders
Persian
naxjīr "prey (animal)" with TG 25,140 ≈ GT 16: 76,18 where
Georgian
nadiri "prey (animal)" stands for Persian
gōr "wild ass".
1.2.4.3. One important reason for deviations from the original is the addition of explanations for textual clarity. This may be illustrated by passages
such as TG 24,32-35:
pas āngah rōy u mis har dū bi-āvard
ṭilism-i har yak-ē-rā ṣūrat-ē kard
ba āhan har duvān-rā bastə bar ham
ba afsūn band-i har dū kardə muḥkam
hamē tā basta māndē band-i āhan
ze band-aš basta māndē mardə bar zan
w-agar band-aš kas-ē bar ham šikastī
hamān gah mardum-ē basta bi-rastī
"Then she brought brass and copper,
described the talisman of each party;
then tied them together with iron,
sealed the fastening of both with a spell.
So long as the iron clasp should be fastened
would a man remain spellbound and impotent with a woman.
But should anyone break its clasp,
there and then the spellbound male would be released."
(Morr. 71-72)
This is rendered in the Georgian text as follows (GT 15: 70,18-24):
merme ʒiʒaman sṗilenʒi da rvali moiġo
da grʒnebita rayt-me ṭilismi šekmna:
ori Moabadis saxe da erti Visisi;
šeuloca ra-meda rḳinita ertman-ertsa zeda magrad šeač̣edna.
ʒiʒa magalitad grʒneuli iq̇o da ese ori čxibi asre vita-me šekmnili iq̇o,
romel vi-re-mca igi ertgan dač̣edili iq̇vnen,
Moabad Vissa zedan šeḳruli iq̇os
da tu vin gaqsnida, mas-ve c̣amsa gaisqneboda.
"Then the nurse took copper and bone,
and
with some sort of enchantment made a talisman;
two in the likeness of Moabad, and one of Vis;
she uttered some charm,
firmly welded them upon another with iron.
The nurse was a rare sorceress,
and these two bonds were made in such a manner,
that as long as they were welded together,
Moabad should be bound with regard to
Vis,
and if anyone undid these,
at this moment he (Moabad) would be unbound." (Ward. 59)
Note that the edition
Wardrop had at hand read ძუალი
ʒuali "bone"
instead of რუალი
ruali "bronze" ≈ Persian روى
rōy. Between
ori "two" and
Moabadis we should expect
erti "one": "two,
[namely] one in the likeness
of Moabad, and one of Vis".
A similar case is TG 25,128:
ba har ḥāl-ē ba baxšāyiš sazāy-am
ke čūnīn dar dam-ī surx-aždahāy-am
"By any standard I am worthy of mercy,
caught as I am in the jaws of a fierce dragon!" (Morr. 78)
Here, the Georgian translator felt it necessary to motivate the "red" colour
(
surx) of the "fierce dragon"
aždahā in the following way (GT 16:76,2-4):
(.. me var ..) q̇ovlita sakmita sabralo,
amit romel c̣itlisa gvel-vešaṗisa,
ḳacisa sisxlisa msmelisatvis, daṗq̇robil var.
"(I am ..) in everything to be pitied,
for I am enthralled by a
red dragon
which drinks men's blood." (Ward.67)
1.2.4.4. On the other hand, the translator has sometimes felt free to omit
passages which seemed unnecessary or excessive to him. So, e.g. he dismissed nearly all of chapter 37 (of the earlier editions ≈ TG 23, 109-134)
which contains a detailed description of Vīs as arrayed by her nurse.
Instead we read the following lines which we may take as an apology (GT
14: 68, 20-22 /
Ward. 56):
ra ama ṭirilita dašura da mo-re-c̣q̇narda, suli daiġo, esre dašuenda, romel razom-ca vin brʒeni da gonieri iq̇os, naasalsa-ca kebasa missa ver mihxvdebis.
"When she had dried these tears and again become calm, her
spirits revived, and she became so beautiful, that no one, however
wise and clever he might be, could achieve one-hundredth part of
her praise."
1.2.4.5. For the purpose of better understandability, e.g. in order to avoid
a hysteron-proteron etc., the translator sometimes rearranged sentences or
verses as in TG 16,27:
basā asp-ī siyāh u mard-i burnā
ke gašt az gardə xing u pērə-sīmā
"Many were the black horses and young men
who became white and hoary because of the dust." (Morr. 42-43)
which he rendered as follows (GT 8: 49,24-26):
mravali q̇rma ḳaci daberebul iq̇vis
da šavi cxeni gač̣armagebul iq̇vis.
"Many youths became like old men,
and black horses grew white." (Ward. 28)
1.2.4.6. One major source of deviations is the poetic skill of the translator
who seems to have been trained in recognizing alliterations, figurae etymologicae, plays on words etc. and to have endeavoured to reproduce
them in his translation. Under this aspect we may understand why he
chose the following words (GT 65: 249,4-6):
tu me daberebul var, miǯnuroba čemi ar damberebia:
axali qma ʒuelisa ʒalisagan čamoiḳrvis.
"Though I may be old, my love has not aged;
a new tune may be struck from an old string." (Ward. 318)
when rendering TG 82,5:
tan-am gar pīrə šud, mihr-am na-šud pīr,
navā-yi nou tuwān zad bar kuhan zīr
"Though my body has grown old, my love has not -
`one can play a new tune on an old fiddle'." (Morr. 293)
Obviously, the alliteration to be seen in
ʒuel-i "old" and
ʒal-i "string" was
introduced as an image of the alliteration found in Persian
navā "tune" and
nou "new".
The same explanation may hold true for the wording in GT 16: 74,11-12:
da, tu-ca bedman čemman me gamc̣ira,
bednierobisa bedi mas-mca nu moešorebis.
"Though my fortune has forsaken me,
may the good fortune of happiness never abandon her." (Ward. 65)
Here, the translator may have looked for an equivalent of the threefold
alliteration
b... b... b... as present in TG 25,70:
w-agar-če baxtə bā man xordə zēnhār
mar-ō-rā baxtə farrux bād u bēdār
"Though fortune has broken faith with me,
may glorious fortune be afoot for her!" (Morr. 76)
Sometimes he may even have added poetic devices of his own, such as the
alliteration using
bed-i "fate, fortune" and
bedit-i "unfavourable, wretched"
in GT 16: 71,30-31:
ra gul-c̣arsrulsa Ramins gauʒnelda sakme da uġono ikmna,
gaubeditda miǯnurobisagan bedi,
"When the matter had grown irksome to Ramin, the bereft of heart,
and he became resourceless,
and his fate waxed wretched through love ..." (Ward. 62)
Here, the Persian original has no stylistic equivalent (TG 25,1):
ču bar Rāmīn-i bē-dil kārə šud saxt
ba ՙišq andar mar-ō-rā xwārə šud baxt
"When the plight of the brokenhearted Rāmīn grew more,
his fortunes in love declined." (Morr. 73)
Incidentally, however, such poetical figures may have developed by
chance, in that the translator had no choice as to the words to be used. The
problem is to decide which words can be regarded as "normal" correspondences. Cp., e.g., the cooccurence of
mtuare- "moon" and
mṭuer-i "dust"
in GT 7: 48,20-22:
mati mṭueri asre amaġlda,
romel hgvanda, tu mtuare da mṭueri xuašiadsa iṭq̇uian ertgan.
"Their
dust rose so high
that it seemed as if the
moon and the dust were holding
provey converse." (Ward. 25)
Here, the Persian text has
xāk "earth" and
māh "moon" (TG 15,22):
hamē raft az zamīn bar āsəman gard
tu guftē xākə bā mah rāzə mē-kard
"The
dust went right up from earth to heaven;
you would have sworn the
earth exchanged secrets
with the moon." (Morr. 41)
From the material investigated so far it seems that Persian
xāk otherwise
is most frequently translated by Georgian
mic̣a- "earth" or
nacar-i "ashes";
but the final decision whether the translator intended a play of words using
mṭueri beneath
mtuare must be left open until the whole text has been
worked through.
A similar case may be seen in GT 14: 66,5-7 where
vecxlisa vašli "apple
of silver" translates TG 23,41
sīb-i sīmīn "idem", given that Persian
sīm(īn)
is represented by Georgian
lari (< Persian
lārī "from the province of Lār")
in GT 14: 69,7 ≈ TG 23,153.
1.2.4.7. One set of divergences between the two texts can only be
explained by assuming either that the translator misunderstood the original
or that he used a manuscript model with variants today unknown. One
such example is GT 13: 64,15-17
where only the Georgian text speaks of
"casting lots":
igi zogǯer dedisa sišorisatuis ṭirodis
da zogǯer Viroys siq̇uarulisatvis, da c̣ilni q̇arnis:
"Sometimes she wept because of separation from her mother,
and sometimes on account of Viro's love,
and she cast lots". (Ward. 51)
Here the Persian text has
nāla zade "lamented" (TG 22,25):
gah-ē bi-grīsətē bar yād-i Šahrō
gah-ē nāla zadē bar dard-i Vīrō
"Now she wept at the memory of Shahrū,
now lamented in grief for Vīrū." (Morr. 64)
But it becomes conceivable that the translator read
qur'ī zadē instead of
nāla zadē if we compare GT 16: 72,27-29:
da c̣ilni q̇arnis moq̇vrisa saxelsa,
tu bolosa žamsa čemi da misi sakme vit ertgan ikmnebis-o?
"(Sometimes he ...)
cast lots in the name of his beloved,
and said: Shall her lot and mine be united at last?" (Ward. 63)
with TG 25,23:
gah-ē qur'ī zadē bar nām-i yār-aš
ke bā ō čūn buwad farjām-i kār-aš
"Now he
told lots using his lover's name,
to see how his fortunes would end with her." (Morr. 74):
Another example may be seen in GT 16: 73,12-13 where in the Georgian
text Rāmīn's face is compared with a garden in spring:
gazapxul c̣alḳoṭi tu-ca ḳeḳluci-a,
Raminis ṗiri atas-ǯer mas uṭurpe iq̇o.
"Although the
garden is charming
in spring,
Ramin's face was a thousandfold more lovely." (Ward. 64)
The Persian text uses a "rose" for the comparison instead (TG 25,39):
gul ar-če saxtə nēkō būd u barbār
rux-ī Rāmīn nēkōtar būdə ṣad bār
"However passing fair and
luxuriant a
rose might be,
Rāmīn's cheek was a hundred times fairer." (Morr. 75)
For an explanation, we could think of a misreading yielding
bahār
"spring" instead of
barbār ≈
purbār "rich (in blossoms)"; but we have to
be aware that
bahār would not fit metrically in the given position.
A third example is met with in GT 16: 75,12-13 where the Georgian text
compares a "mattress" (
sagebel-i) with a "snake" (
guel-i):
missa tualsa dġe nateli bnel iq̇uis
da mas kueše sṭavrisa amo sagebeli vita gueli iq̇uis.
"Daylight was as darkness to his eyes.
The pleasant couch of brocade under him was
like a serpent."
(Ward. 62)
Here the Persian text speaks of "thorns" (
xār) instead (TG 25,14):
ba čašm-aš rōz-i rōšan tārə būdē
ba zēr-aš xazz u dēbā xārə būdē
"The bright day was dark in his eyes,
silk and brocade thorns under him." (Morr. 73)
In this case, two explanations are possible: Either Georgian
guel-i "snake"
was chosen because the Persian model had
mār "snake" instead of
xār
"thorn(y)"; or the translator aimed at presenting a rhyme, viz.
bnel iq̇uis
vs.
guel(i) iq̇uis.
An obvious example is TG 25,48 ≈ GT 16: 73,21 where Georgian
mic̣a
"earth, ground" seems to be used as an equivalent of Persian
zamān "time,
world" for which we have to posit
zamīn "earth, ground".
The reason for such deviations cannot always be stated with certainty,
though. Thus we find an unexpected
č̣ino- "owl" in GT 16: 75,1-2:
magra misi siamovne simc̣arisa ǯupti-a
da misi simxiarule č̣inosaebr bediti-a.
"But his pleasure is the twin of bitterness,
and his merriment is wretched as an owl's." (Ward. 66)
The corresponding Persian verse contains the word
xumār "aftereffect"
(TG 25,93):
kujā xwaššī-šə bā talxī-šə yār-ast
čunān k-aš xurramī juft-ī xumār-ast
".. its sweetness is the companion of its bitterness,
as its delight matches its aftereffect." (Morr. 77)
The most appropriate solution would consist in presuming a misreading of
juft "pair, match" by
juġd "owl"; but
juft is present in the Georgian text in
the form of
ǯupt-i, an obvious borrowing of the Persian word. So we must
either assume that the translator played with the Persian words intentionally, or that he tried to mediate between different models.
Still less clear is the usage of "pure crystal" in the following context
(GT 16: 77,6-7):
šenisa ṭanisagan čemi broli uṭalao-ada šenisa saubrisagan
"From thy form is my
pure crystal,
and from thy conversation ..." (Ward. 69)
Here, the Persian text speaks of
yāsmīn "jasmine" instead (TG 25,159):
ze andām-ī tu bāšad yāsəmīn-amze guftār-ī tu bāšad āfərīn-am
"your eyes (be) as
jasmine (for me),
your words as blessings .." (Morr. 79)
The expected equivalent of Georgian
broli "crystal" would be Persian
bolur(īn) which can hardly be assumed in the position of
yāsmīn.
1.2.4.8. It should be noted in this context that there are unexpected convergences, too, between the two texts which again show that the translator
tried to keep as close to his model as possible. In this respect we may
note, e.g., the rendering of a Persian bahuvrīhi-composite by a Georgian
"inverted" bahuvrīhi as in the case of
xasta-dil "broken-hearted" in TG
23,20:
ču Vīs-ī xasta-dil-rā dīdə dāyaze šādī gaštə jān-aš nēkə-māya
"When the nurse saw Vis
brokenhearted,
her soul grew full of happiness." (Morr. 65)
which is translated by Georgian
gul-dac̣q̇lulebul-i, lit. "heart-wounded"
(GT 14: 65,19-20):
ra gul-dac̣q̇lulebuli Visi naxa ʒiʒaman,
misisa naxvisa sixarulita aivso.
"When the nurse saw the
heart-wounded Vis,
she was filled with gladness at the sight." (Ward. 52-53)
Another such case is the Persian figure
tu guftē "you('d) say", frequently
occurring as in TG 16,31:
tu guftē nāgahān dū kōh-i pōlād
dar ān ṣaḥrā ba yak-dīgar dar-uftād
"You would have sworn two steel mountains
clashed on that field." (Morr. 43)
Lit.: "You'd say, suddenly two mountains of steel
fell on one-another in that steppe."
This figure is often rendered by Georgian
tu stkva "as if you('d) say"
(GT 8: 49,29-30):
tu stkva, orni mtani basrisaniertman-ertsa šeeṭaḳnes-o.
"(The two armies met)
like two mountains of steel
falling together." (Ward. 28)
Lit.: "(The two armies met,)
you'd say, two mountains of steel
crashed on one-another".
Although Georgian თუ
tu is a conjunction meaning "(as) if" and does not
correspond grammatically to Persian
tu "you", it seems to have been
preferable for the translator because of its similar sounding.
1.2.5. Looking for the explanatory value the Persian text offers with
respect to the Georgian language as used in the
Visramiani, we may first
of all think of misunderstandable or otherwise unknown words. One such
case is GT 14: 67,21-22, where the word
šarux-i appears:
c̣avida igi žami da dġe,
odes ertman ḳuman ori šaruxi dasces.
Wardrop's translation (55) seems to be tentative, and it makes hardly any
sense:
"That time and that day are past
when a tortoise overcame two
nightingales".
In a footnote,
Wardrop wonders whether the word is "P[ersian]" and
whether it could be a "proper name". He seems not to have realized that
it had first been treated by the 17th century Georgian lexicographer,
Sulxan-Saba
Orbeliani, who did not claim to be able to explain it:
č̣adraḳis mġerisa ars, tu sxva, ar vici "It is from the game of chess, or something else, I don't know". In the present edition of his lexicon
9 we are
referred to the bird name
čaxrux-i "nightingale" again, a notice that may
have been influenced by the
Georgian lexicographer of the 19th century,
Davit
Čubinašvili; according to his Georgian-Russian dictionary
10 šaruxi
was "Persian" ("
sṗars[uli]") as well, and it denoted a "
bulbulis msgavsi
mprinveli, соловей", i.e. a "bird similar to the nightingale". This meaning
alone is recorded once again in the eight volume "Explanatory dictionary
of the Georgian language"
11:
šarux-i "
bulbulis msgavsi prinveli". The
correct meaning of the verse in question and of
šarux-i is now presented
in the new German translation, however (Leipzig, 63):
"Vorbei ist die Zeit, da ein Läufer zwei
Türme fällte."
That this is really a metaphor taken from the game of chess (as Saba
presumed), becomes clear at once if we compare the Persian text
(TG 23,83):
šud ān rōz ū šud ān hangām-i farrux
ke bi-twānīstə zad pīl-ē du šah-rux
"That day and that fortunate time are gone
when a bishop could take two castles." (Morr. 67)
While
šarux-i, revealing itself as a loan from Persian
šah-rux here, seems
no longer to have been used in Georgian,
ḳu "tortoise" has been preserved
until nowadays as the equivalent of Persian
pīl "elefant" = "bishop in
chess".
A second field where we can expect the Persian text to have an explanatory value for the Georgian, is the etymology of Georgian words. So, e.g.,
Georgian
ḳaḳabi "partridge" appears in GT 25,144 as an equivalent of
Persian
kabk "idem", and it becomes at once plausible to derive the Georgian word from the Persian (assuming a metathesis of stops).
1.2.6. The main explanatory value of the Georgian text for the Persian
original will consist in establishing the phonetics of 12th century Persian
with the help of Persian elements (loans) in the Georgian text. There is a
general problem, however, in that it is not always easy to decide whether
a Persian word was taken over just at that time (and it is only in this case
that the
Visramiani can help us) or whether it was borrowed into Georgian
earlier. So for every single word, an investigation of its own is necessary,
as the following short hand list may illustrate:
1.2.6.1. Persian ā-šoft-a — Georgian aġ-špot-ebuli "stirred up" (e.g. TG
15,28 ≈ GT 7: 48,27): older instances exist (e.g., in Bible translation, Sap.Sal. 18,19 aġ-a-špot-eb-des);
P. pīl — G. ṗilo- "elephant" (e.g. 16,17 ≈ 8: 49,17-18): older
instances exist (e.g., Ps. 44,9);
P. darafš — G. droša "flag" (e.g. 16,21 ≈ 8: 49,22): older instances
exist (e.g., in the so-called "Nino-legend", Mokcevay kartlisay,
119,7; cp. Armenian drawš);
P. bēzār — G. abezar "estranged" (e.g. 16,36 ≈ 8: 49,37): do. (the
word is borrowed from Middle P. abēzār; cp. my study "Iranica
Armeno-Iberica", Wien 1993, p. 1-7);
P. xāṣ(ṣ)agān — G. xasagian- "nobles" (e.g. 16,73 ≈ 8: 50,38-39):
no older instances known so far;
P. meydān — G. moedan- "playground" (e.g. 16,90 ≈ 8: 51,11): no
older instances known;
P. u(m)mēd — G. imed- "hope" (e.g. 16,93 ≈ 8: 51,13): older
instances exist (cp. "Iranica Armeno-Iberica", p. 84-91);
P. juft — G. ǯupt- "pair, twin" (e.g. 16,110 ≈ 8: 51,30); no older
instances known;
P. zabūn — G. ʒabun-i "coward" (e.g. 16,112 ≈ 8: 51,33); no older
instances known; cp. ǯaban- "id.";
P. nišāṭ — G. *nišaṭ- "merriment" (as discussed above); cp. ga-nišaṭ-ian-eba "become happy" in the so-called Gelati-Bible (12th century), Judg. 16,24;
P. kāravān — G. karavan "caravan" (e.g. 22,28 ≈ 13: 64,20); no
older instances known;
P. za՚frān — G. zapran- "saffron" (e.g. 22,29 ≈ 13: 64,21); older
instances exist (e.g., in the so-called Šaṭberd-codex from the 10th
century, within the Georgian version of Gregorius Nyssenus, De
hominis opificio: 125,17);
P. jamāza — G. ǯama(za)- "fast camel" (e.g. 23,17 ≈ 14: 65,15); no
older instances known;
P. zang "rust" — G. da-žang-ebuli "rusty" (e.g. 23,25 ≈ 14: 65,24);
no older instances known;
P. diram — G. drama "drachma" (e.g. 23,38 ≈ 14: 66,2); older
instances exist (e.g., in the 11th century vita of Grigor Xanʒteli:
268,40);
P. turinj — G. turinǯ- "lemon fruit" (e.g. 23,41 ≈ 14: 66,6); no older
instances known;
P. nadīm — G. nadim- "companion" (e.g. 23,67 ≈ 14: 66,39); no
older instances known;
P. šahrux — G. šarux- "castle (in chess)" (as discussed above); no
other instances known;
P. yāqut — G. iagund- "jacinth" (e.g. 23,138 ≈ 14: 68,25); older
instances exist (e.g., in the Šaṭberd-codex, within Epiphanius of
Cyprus, De gemmis: 134,29); both words seem to have been borrowed from different languages;
P. naxčir — G. nadir- "prey animal" (e.g. 23,152 ≈ 14: 69,6); older
instances exist (e.g., Gen. 25,28), and it is not sure whether both
words are connected at all;
P. dēv — G. dev- "demon" (e.g. 24,31 ≈ 15: 70,15-16); older
instances exist (e.g., in the legend of St. Šušaniḳ, ascribed to the 5th
century; cp. my forthcoming study "Daemonica Irano-Caucasica"12);
P. rōy — G. rval- "bronze" (e.g. 24,32 ≈ 15: 70,18); older instances
exist (e.g., Ex. 25,4); cp. Armenian aroyr: both this and G. rval-
presuppose a Middle Iranian rōδ-13;
P. nam — G. nam- "moistness" (e.g. 24,46 ≈ 15: 70,35); no older
instances known;
P. dāġ — G. daġ- "brand mark" (e.g. 25,30 ≈ 16: 73,1); no older
instances known;
P. sunbul — G. sumbul- "hyacinth" (e.g. 25,40 ≈ 16: 73,13-14); no
older instances known;
P. mušk(īn) — G. mušḳ- "musk" (e.g. 25,41 ≈ 16: 73,14); no older
instances known;
P. kāfūr — G. kapur- "camphor" (e.g. 25,41 ≈ 16: 73,15); no older
instances known;
P. qabā — G. ḳaba- "men's coat" (e.g. 25,46 ≈ 16: 73,19); no older
instances known;
P. baxt — G. bed- "fortune" (as discussed above); older instances
exist (e.g., Jes. 65,11); are both words related?;
P. dōzax(ī) — G. ǯoǯox-et- "hell" (e.g. 25,103 ≈ 16: 75,14); older
instances are very frequent in Bible translation (e.g., Ps. 6,6); the G.
word must be from a form like Parthian dōžox;
P. juwān-mard(ī) — G. ǯomard-(oba)- "nobleness" (e.g. 25,125 ≈
16: 75,36-37); no older instances known;
P. but — G. but- "idol" (e.g. 25,130 ≈ 16: 76,6); no older instances
known;
P. yōz — G. avaz- "panther" (e.g. 25,144 ≈ 76,23); older instances
exist (e.g., in the Šaṭberd-codex, 76,22); what is the actual relationship between the two words?;
P. xurmā — G. xurma- "date" (as discussed above); no older
instances known;
P. zēnhār — G. zenaar- "caution, care" (e.g. 25,217 ≈ 16: 79,3); no
older instances known;
P. afsār — G. avšara- "halter" (e.g. 25,240 ≈ 16: 79,24); no older
instances known.
One main point of interest in this respect will be the question whether
there are indications that the distinction between
ō and
ū and between
ē
and
ī was still perceivable. In this respect we may note Georgian
kos-i and
buḳ-i as equivalents of Persian كوس
kōs "drum"
14 and بوق
būq "trumpet",
appearing several times side by side in TG 16,3-11 / GT 8: 48,35-49,10.
It may be intesting to note as well that Persian
-q is represented as a velar
stop in
buḳ-i.
1.2.6.2. Additional problems are met with in this connection with proper
names. The general question is, whether they were taken over from spoken
or from written Persian. Besides, we have to be aware that they must have
always been highly liable to corruption during the manuscript transmission
within Georgian. For this we may compare, e.g., the name of the river
Oxus,
Jeyhōn, which is now and then rendered as
ǯeon- with a variant
reading
ǯoen-. The whole set of difficulties can be illustrated by two
passages containing several names. The first one is TG 15,4, where we are
offered the following list:
ze Āzarbāyəgān u Rayy u Gēlān
ze Xūzistān u Istarx u Sipāhān
"(nobles) from Āzerbaijān, Reyy, and Gīlān,
from Khūzistān, Istarkh, and Isfahān." (Morr. 40)
In the Georgian version, we read the following names (GT 7:48,5-7):
adrabadaganelni, raelni, gelanelni,
xuzisṭanelni, asṭabaxrelni, asṗaanelni.
"(nobles) from Adrabadagan, Ray, Gēlān,
Xūzistān, Istaxr, Isfahān".
For most of them, there exist some more or less divergent variants such as
adrabaginelni, darbadaganelni, adrabaganelni; ranelni; asṭarabatelni,
asṭarabasranelni, asṭarabatelni, asṭrabarelni, asṭarxanelni; isṗaanelni. So
it is understandable why
Wardrop proposed to connect the second entry
erroneously with the name of the province
Ran, i.e. the Old Georgian
name of today's Karabaġ (25):
"(nobles) from Adraba[da]gan, Ra [? Ran], Gelan,
Khuzistan, Astabakhar (var. Astabar or Astabasran), Aspa[a]n".
The
-b- in the name of the city of Istaxr cannot be explained
palaeographically within any Georgian script (cp. ასტაბახრ, ასტაბახრ,
and ႠႱႲႠႡႠႾႰ); but it may be due to a confusion with Astarābād, the
other name of the author's home Gurgān (so Faxr ud-dīn Gurgānī himself
was called Asՙad al-Astarābādī, too). For the name of Isfahān, the variants
asṗa(a)n- and
isṗa(a)n- occur side by side elsewhere within Georgian
tradition.
As a second example we may quote the list of beautiful women present at
Vis's wedding (TG 8,65-74):
ču Šahrō māhəduxt az Māhə-ābād
ču āḏarbādagānī sarv-i āzād
ze Gurgān Abənōš-i māhə-peykar
hamēdūn az Dehistān Nāz-i dilbar
ze Ray Dinārəgēs u ham Zarīngēs
ze būm-i kōhə Šīrīn u Farangēs
ze Iṣfāhān du but čūn māh u xwaršēd
xujasta Ābənāz u Ābənāhēd
ba gouhar harduwān duxt-ī dabīrān..
Gulāb ū Yāsəman duxt-ī wazīrān
hamēdūn Nāz u Āḏargūn u Gulgūn
ba rux čūn barf u bar-ō rīxəta xūn
Sahī nām ū sahī bālā zan-ī šāh
tan az sīm ū lab az nōš ū rux az māh
Šakarlab Nōšə az būm-ī Humāwar
saman rang ū saman bōy u samanbar
"Like Šahrō, daughter of Media, from Māh-Ābād,
like a free cypress from Āzarbaijān,
from Gurgān Ābnōš, with the form of the moon,
at the same time from Dehistān charming Nāz,
from Ray Dīnargēs and Zarīngēs,
from the foot of the mountain Šīrīn and Farangēs,
from Isfahān two idols like moon and sun,
fortunate Ābnāz and Ābnāhēd
by descent both daughter(s) of scribes, ..
Gulāb and Yāsaman, daughter(s) of viziers,
as well Nāz and Āzargūn and Gulgūn,
with a cheek like snow with blood sprinkled on it,
Sahī by name and `upright' by stature, the Šāh's wife,
her body of silver, her lip of nectar, her cheek (like) the moon,
Šakarlab Nōš from the land of Humāvār,
jasmine (her) colour, jasmine (her) scent, jasmine-wearing."
These names are rendered by the Georgian tradition in the following way
(GT 2: 35,37-36,5):
Šahro Mahduxṭ adrabadaganeli,
Abanoš {v.l.
manoš, monao, man mo}
gurganeli
{v.l.
aspburganeli, aspuraganeli, aspagur},
Naslakit dehisṭaneli,
Dinarges {v.l.
dinigruz, dinarguz, danirges}
da Zaringes
{v.l.
zargines, zarnisges};
mtis-ʒirelni Širini da Gurgesi {v.l.
gergesi, gurgen}
asṗaanelni {v.l.
asṗaaneli, asṗaneli, isṗanelni},
orni mzisebrni
ḳeḳlucni: Abanozi {v.l.
abanozni}
da Abanoed
{v.l.
abaned, abanod} -
orni ḳeḳlucni kalni mc̣ignobarta asulni;
Ǯulabi {v.l.
ǯalabi}
da Iasaman {v.l.
diasaman, diasman}
— vazirisa {v.l.
vezirisa}
asulni {v.l.
asuli};
Šakarlab Noš {da Abanoš} eraq̇eli;
iq̇o: Nazi {
monazi mss.},
Adraguni da Gulgunoi {v.l.
gulguni}
širazelni {v.l.
šarazneli},
Sainam {v.l.
šainam, šainaš}
da Saibala {v.l.
saibla da, sibla}
— Šahi Moabadis colni.
"Šahro Mahduxṭ,from Adrabadagan,
Abanoš from Gurgan,Naslakit from Dehistan,
Dinarges and Zaringes;
Širin-i and Gurges-i from the foot of the mountain,
from Isfahān, two sun-likebeauties: Abanoz-i und Abanoed,
two beautiful women, daughters of scribes;
Gulab-i and Iasaman, a vizier's daughters;
Šakarlab Noš from Eraq̇;
there were: Naz-i, Adragun-i and Gulgun-ifrom Šīrāz,
Sainam and Saibala,Šah Moabad's wives.
An especially interesting feature of the Georgian text in this respect is that
the author himself,
Faxr ud-dīn Gorgānī, is called
Paxpur here which
would correspond to the Persian title
faġfūr "emperor of China" (1: 34,18);
and that his client for whom he composed the epic is called
Ibdal-Meliki-vaziri (1: 34,12) instead of
Abu-l Fatḥ Muẓaffar.
2. Let us return to the question now in which way we may think of applying computers to the given task. From the examples discussed above it
may have become clear that there is hardly any field of investigation that
can be supported by automatical analyses without a lot of preparatory
work to be done before. In my view, there are at least three essential
stages:
2.1. The first step consists in bringing both texts into an electronic form
("encoding"). This step has now been fulfilled for the Georgian part: I read
it in 1992 using an optical scanner and corrected it manually afterwards.
As for the Persian text, this too exists in electronic form. It was entered as
a basis for Emiko
Okada's and Kazuhiko
Machida's study called "Perusha bungaku. Bunka-no dētabēsu-ka — josei-no seikatsu to shikō-o chūshin-ni" ("Persian literature. Transformation of culture into a database. With
emphasis on women's thought and life") which appeared in three parts in
Tōkyō 1991. This study contains a type list with frequency, i.e. an alphabetical list of all word-forms occuring in the text, with their frequency; a
frequency list of the types, i.e., a list of the word-forms arranged according
to their frequency (part I); a type concordance, i.e. an index of the occurrences of all wordforms, without context (part II); and the whole text (part
III; it is identical with the one as edited by
Mahǧūb). For several reasons,
however, I decided to start a new encoding of the Persian text: Firstly, the
text as entered in Japan was simply not yet available to me. Secondly, it
contains all Persian material in the original script, which bears the disadvantage that it is ill suited to linguistic (esp. phonetic) investigations as it
is. Besides, it seems to provide no material for grammatical analysis and
no hints for distinguishing between homographs, and it obviously does not
reveal any information about the position of words within the verse, esp.
with respect to metrics and rhymes. So it would have to be reorganized
anyway for the present purposes. Instead, I am glad to be supported by
Soraya
Divshali who has been engaged with typing in the Persian text
(according to
Todua / Gwakharia's edition) in transcription for some
time now, and we hope to finish this stage within another year's time.
2.2. The second stage will consist in preparing both texts for a complete
indexation as to occurences of words and word forms. Such an indexation
can easily be achieved using programs such as the "WordCruncher" (Brigham Young University); the only preparation necessary for it is providing
the texts with indexation marks such as, for the Persian text, chapter and
verse numbers or, for the Georgian text, page and line numbers. The
resulting indexes will be useful as an aid for the main task, which is the
third stage:
2.3. This stage consists in preparing both texts for an automatic comparison, i.e., for joint indexation with respect to all points of investigation as
discussed above. Here we have to be aware that from the beginning we
should aim at integrating as much information as possible, in order to
facilitate analyses on all levels of linguistic and philological interest. Let
me illustrate what I mean using four different arrangements of the beginning of chapter 15 (TG / 7 GT).
2.3.1. The least informative encoding would just consist in a synoptical
marking of verse units, which would mean to arrange the Georgian text
according to the Persian original:
|l1a ču az šāh āgahī āmad ba Vīrō
|l1b ke ham z-ō kīna dārad ham ze Šahrō
|l2a ze har šahr-ē u az har jāyəgāh-ē
|l2b hamē āmad ba dargāh-aš sipāh-ē
"When news of the king reached Vīrū,
how he was in feud against him and Shahrū,
from every city and every place
an army came to his court."
| |l1a cna Viroman ambavi Šahi Moabadisi,
|l1b vita mas-ca emṭerebis da Šahrosa-ca
|l2a da q̇ovlisa kveq̇anisa
|l2b didebulni da laškarni mivides missa da
šeq̇rilan
"At that time when Viro learnt the tidings of
Shah Moabad,
how he was become an enemy to him and to
Shahro also,
and had collected from every land
magnates and soldiers ..." |
It goes without saying that the information retrievable from such an arrangement is scanty; the only result we could produce by this would be a
"synoptical" word index.
2.3.2. If we aim at retrieving informations about the interdependency of
words in both texts, we need at least an additional marking of keywords:
|l1a ču az šāh1 āgahī2 āmad3 ba Vīrō4
|l1b ke5 ham z-ō6 kīna7 dārad8 ham ze Šahrō9
|l2a ze har10 šahr-ē11 u az har12 jāyəgāh-ē13
|l2b hamē āmad14 ba dargāh-aš15 sipāh-ē16
| |l1a cna3 Viroman4 ambavi2 Šahi1 Moabadisi,
|l1b vita5 mas-ca6 emṭerebis7+8 da Šahrosa-ca9
|l2a da q̇ovlisa12 kveq̇anisa13
|l2b didebulni da laškarni16 mivides14 missa15
da šeq̇rilan |
Here, all words that have a counterpart in the other text are marked with
a unique number so that their equivalents can be searched for automatically. This marking is not satisfying yet, either, because it may turn out
necessary to retrieve informations about syntactical relations, too, which do
not become transparent like this at all. So we could think of marking
syntactical units instead as in the following way:
|l1a [ču]1 [az šāh]2 [āgahī]3 [āmad]4 [ba
Vīrō]5
|l1b [ke]6 [ham z-ō]7 [kīna dārad]8 [ham ze
Šahrō]9
|l2a [ze har šahr-ē]10 [u]11 [az har jāyəgāh-ē]12
|l2b [hamē āmad]13 [ba dargāh-aš]14 [sipāh-ē]15
| |l1a [cna]4 [Viroman]5 [ambavi]3 [Šahi Moabadisi]2,
|l1b [vita]6 [mas-ca]7 [emṭerebis]8 da [Šahrosa-ca]9
|l2a da [q̇ovlisa kveq̇anisa]12
|l2b didebulni da [laškarni]15 [mivides]13
[missa]14 da šeq̇rilan |
This method, too, has a disadvantage in that it does not allow for an
internal analysis and that grammatical phenomena cannot be searched for.
So we would need at least a combined encoding of keywords
and of
grammatical units as in the following way:
|l1a [ču1]1 [az2 šāh3]2 [āgahī4]3 [āmad5]4 [ba6
Vīrō7]5
|l1b [ke8]6 [ham9 z10-ō11]7 [kīna12 dārad13]8
[ham14 ze1 Šahrō16]9
|l2a [ze17 har18 šahr19-ē20]10 [u21]11 [az22 har23
jāyəgāh24-ē25]12
|l2b [hamē26 āmad27]13 [ba28 dargāh29-aš30]14
[sipāh31-ē32]15
| |l1a [cna5]4 [Viroman7]5 [ambavi4]3 [Šahi3
Moabadisix]2,
|l1b [vita8]6 [mas11-ca9]7 [emṭerebis12+13]8 da14
[Šahrosa16-ca14]9
|l2a [da21]11 [q̇ovlisa23 kveq̇anisa24]12
|l2b didebulnixx daxxx [laškarni31]15 [mivides27]13 [missa30]14 daxxxx šeq̇rilanxxxxx |
2.4. Of course, I do not regard the methods of encoding additional informations in the way as presented here (using brackets, numbers and the
like) as practicable in any way; they are meant just as an illustration of the
problems involved. What we need instead is a thorough morphological
analysis of the single words in both texts (just as it was procured for many
biblical texts or the like in other projects)
plus detailed informations about
the interdependencies between the two texts and the words contained in
them. Only then will the computer be able to help extending our knowledge in the present field of investigation, in that it will allow for a quick
and complete search under different topics through two texts of about 150
pages length at a time. As for the way how it will be best prepared for this
purpose, I have as yet no final solution.
Georgian text:
|
Title (according to Ward.)
| Ward.
| Leipzig
| Saunǯe
| BIḲ
| GT
| №.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
The beginning of the story of Vis and Ramin
| 1-3
| 19-20
| 17-18
| 3-4
| 33-34
| 1
|
|
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|
|
|
|
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|
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|
|
|
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|
|
The story of Vis and of Ramin, and his eldest brother Shah Moabad
| 4-7
| 21-24
| 18-21
| 5-7
| 34-37
| 2
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
(Vis's and Ramin's birth and youth)
| 8-10
| 24-26
| 21-22
| 8-9
| 37-38
| 3
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
The letter written by the nurse of Vis to Shahro, the mother of Vis
| 11-15
| 26-27
| 22-24
| 10-11
| 38-40
| 4
|
.. They bring Vis from Khuzistan into the City of Hamian
| 13-15
| 28-29
| 24-25
| 12-13
| 40-41
| 5
|
Here the wedding of Vis and her brother Viro and the coming of Moabad's
| 16-24
| 30-38
| 25-32
| 14-20
| 41-48
| 6
|
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Here Shah Moabad sets forth to fight Viro
| 25-26
| 38-39
| 32-33
| 21-22
| 48
| 7
|
Here is the great battle between Moabad and Viro
| 27-31
| 39-43
| 33-36
| 23-26
| 48-52
| 8
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
The investment of Viro's castle by Moabad, and the discourse of Vis
| 32-40
| 43-50
| 36-42
| 27-33
| 52-58
| 9
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|
Moabad's letter to Shahro
| 41-44
| 51-54
| 42-44
| 34-36
| 58-60
| 10
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
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|
|
Viro learns of the abduction of his wife and his mourning thereat
| 45-46
| 54-55
| 44-45
| 37-38
| 60-61
| 11
|
Ramin becomes enamoured of Vis
| 47-49
| 55-58
| 45-47
| 39-41
| 61-63
| 12
|
Here is the wedding of Moabad and Vis
| 50-51
| 58-59
| 47-49
| 42-43
| 63-64
| 13
|
The lamentation and weeping of the nurse for the carrying away of Vis
| 52-57
| 59-65
| 49-53
| 44-48
| 64-69
| 14
|
|
|
|
|
|
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|
|
|
|
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|
|
Persian text:
|
№.
| TG
| Lees
| №.
| Minowī
| Mahǧūb
| Morr.
| Title (according to Morr.)
|
1
| 1-6
| 1-6
| 1
| 1-6
| 1-5
| 1-4
| (Praise to God)
|
2
| 7-10
|
| 2
| 6-9
| 5-7
| 4-6
| Praise of Muḥammad
|
3
| 10-15
|
| 3
| 9-15
| 7-11
| 6-10
| Praise of Sultan Abū Ṭalīb Ṭughrilbeg
|
4
| 16-18
|
| 4
| 15-17
| 11-13
| 10-12
| Praise of Khvājeh Abū Naṣr Ibn Manṣūr ibn Muḥammad
|
5
| 18-21
|
| 5
| 17-21
| 13-16
| 12-14
| The taking of Isfahān by the sultan
|
6
| 21-26
| 7-9
| 6
| 21-24
| 16-18
| 14-16
| Praise of ՙAmīd Abū'l-Fatḥ Muz̤affar
|
7
| 26-30
| 9-12
| 7
| 24-28
| 18-21
| 16-19
| The Sultan leaves Isfahān; account of the author
|
8
| 31-38
| 13-19
| 8
| 28-31
| 21-23
| 19-21
| The story of Vīs and Rāmīn begins
|
|
|
| 9
| 31-33
| 24-25
| 21-23
| The beauties of moonlike face look on at King Moubad's banquet
|
9
| 38-41
| 19-22
| 10
| 33-36
| 25-27
| 23-25
| Moubad asks Shahrū's hand in marriage and she makes a compact with him
|
10
| 42-45
|
| 11
| 36-38
| 27-29
| 25-27
| Vīs is born to her mother
|
|
|
| 12
| 39
| 29-30
| 27
| Vīs and Rāmīn are brought up in Khūzān at the nurse's side
|
11
| 46-48
| 22-25
| 13
| 40-42
| 30-32
| 27-29
| The nurse writes a letter to Shahrū who sends an envoy to fetch Vīs
|
12
| 48-50
| 25-26
| 14
| 42-44
| 32-33
| 29-31
| Shahrū gives Vīs in marriage to Vīrū but both fail to gain their desire
|
13
| 51-62
| 26-28
| 15
| 44-49
| 34-37
| 31-34
| Zard comes to Shahrū as messenger
|
|
| 28-30
| 16
| 50-52
| 37-39
| 35-36
| Vīs questions Zard and hears his answer
|
|
| 30-34
| 17
| 52-55
| 39-41
| 36-38
| Zard returns from Vīs to Moubad
|
14
| 62-64
| 34-36
| 18
| 55-57
| 41-43
| 38-40
| News reaches Moubad of Vīrū's taking Vīs in marriage
|
15
| 64-66
| 36-50
| 19
| 57-59
| 43-44
| 40-41
| Vīrū learns of Moubad's coming to do battle
|
16
| 66-73
|
| 20
| 59-64
| 45-49
| 41-45
| The battle between Moubad and Vīrū
|
|
|
| 21
| 65-66
| 49-50
| 45-46
| Shāh Moubad is routed by Vīrū
|
17
| 74-76
|
| 22
| 66-67
| 50
| 46-47
| Moubad sends an envoy to Vīs
|
|
|
| 23
| 67-68
| 51
| 47-48
|
|
18
| 76-84
|
| 24
| 68-71
| 51-54
| 48-50
| Vīs replies to King Moubad's messenger
|
|
|
| 25
| 71-72
| 54-55
| 50-51
| Shāh Moubad's envoy returns from Vīs
|
|
|
| 26
| 73-76
| 55-57
| 51-53
| Moubad consults his brother about Vīs
|
19
| 84-91
| 50-52
| 27
| 77-78
| 58-59
| 53-55
| Moubad writes a letter to Shahrū and subverts her with riches
|
|
|
| 28
| 79-80
| 59-60
| 55
| Description of the goods sent by Moubad to Shahrū
|
|
| 52-54
| 29
| 80-83
| 60-63
| 56-58
| How Shahrū surrendered Vīs to Shāh Moubad; the sinister aspect of that night
|
|
|
| 30
| 84
| 63
| 58-59
| Moubad enters the castle and brings out Vīs
|
20
| 92-93
| 54-55
| 31
| 85-86
| 63-64
| 59
| Vīrū receives tidings that the king has carried off Vīs
|
21
| 93-97
| 55-60
| 32
| 86-90
| 64-67
| 60-62
| Rāmīn sees Vīs and falls in love with her
|
22
| 97-99
|
| 33
| 90-92
| 68-69
| 63-64
| Moubad brings Vīs to Marv the royal abode
|
23
| 99-108
| 60-63
| 34
| 92-96
| 69-72
| 64-67
| The nurse learns of the plight of Vīs and goes to Marv
|
|
| 63
| 35
| 96
| 72
| 67
| Vīs replies to the nurse
|
|
| 63-67
| 36
| 97-99
| 72-74
| 67-68
| The nurse replies to Vīs
|
Georgian text:
|
Title (according to Ward.)
| Ward.
| Leipzig
| Saunǯe
| BIḲ
| GT
| №.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
The binding of the virility of Moabad by Vis and the nurse
| 58-61
| 65-68
| 53-56
| 49-51
| 69-71
| 15
|
The story of Ramin's love
| 62-73
| 68-80
| 56-65
| 52-61
| 71-80
| 16
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
The parting of Ramin from the nurse and her coming before Vis
| 74-81
| 80-87
| 65-70
| 62-67
| 80-85
| 17
|
The nurse's second visit to Ramin
| 82-89
| 87-94
| 70-75
| 68-73
| 86-91
| 18
|
The nurse parts from Vis and sees Ramin for the third time
| 90-93
| 94-97
| 75-78
| 74-76
| 91-94
| 19
|
Vis sees Ramin in Moabad's throne-room and becomes enamoured of him
| 94-96
| 98-99
| 78-80
| 77-78
| 94-95
| 20
|
The nurse goes to Ramin
| 97-100
| 100-103
| 80-83
| 79-81
| 96-98
| 21
|
The union of Ramin and Vis
| 101-106
| 103-108
| 83-87
| 82-86
| 98-102
| 22
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Moabad learns of the love of Ramin and Vis
| 107-113
| 108-115
| 87-92
| 87-92
| 103-108
| 23
|
Moabad takes away Vis and comes to Marav and Khurasan
| 114-116
| 115-117
| 92-94
| 93-94
| 108-109
| 24
|
Vis's parting from Moabad
| 117-120
| 117-121
| 94-97
| 95-98
| 109-113
| 25
|
Ramin goes to Vis
| 121-122
| 121-123
| 97-98
| 99-100
| 113-114
| 26
|
Moabad learns that Ramin has gone to Vis
| 123-129
| 123-130
| 98-103
| 101-106
| 114-119
| 27
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Moabad lights a fire for Vis to swear by
| 130-136
| 130-136
| 103-108
| 107-112
| 119-124
| 28
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Moabad's wanderings in search of Vis
| 137-139
| 136-138
| 108-110
| 113-115
| 124-126
| 29
|
Moabad comes to Marav and learns tidings of Vis
| 140-145
| 139-143
| 110-114
| 116-120
| 126-130
| 30
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Ramin brings Vis to Marav, and the rejoicing and banquet of Moabad
| 146-156
| 144-154
| 114-123
| 121-129
| 130-138
| 31
|
Moabad's campaign against Greece, and his committal of Vis and her nurse
| 157-163
| 154-161
| 123-128
| 130-136
| 139-144
| 32
|
Vis's lament for Ramin's absence
| 164-166
| 161-164
| 128-130
| 136-138
| 144-146
| 33
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Ramin goes from Marav to Ashkap'hut'hidevan to be united to Vis
| 167-174
| 164-172
| 130-136
| 139-144
| 146-152
| 34
|
Moabad learns that Vis and Ramin are together
| 175-184
| 172-180
| 136-142
| 145-151
| 152-159
| 35
|
Shahro's lament and weeping for Vis
| 185-197
| 181-193
| 142-152
| 152-161
| 159-168
| 36
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Moabad learns of the meeting of Vis and Ramin
| 198-204
| 193-199
| 152-157
| 162-166
| 168-173
| 37
|
Moabad invites Shahro and Viro and makes a banquet
| 205-207
| 199-201
| 157-158
| 167-168
| 173-174
| 38
|
Bego's good counsel to Ramin
| 208-213
| 201-206
| 158-162
| 169-172
| 174-178
| 39
|
Shah Moabad's advice, instruction, and command to Vis
| 214-217
| 206-210
| 162-165
| 173-176
| 178-181
| 40
|
Persian text:
|
№.
| TG
| Lees
| №.
| Minowī
| Mahǧūb
| Morr.
| Title (according to Morr.)
|
|
|
| 37
| 99-102
| 74-76
| 69-70
| The nurse arrays Vīs; her description
|
24
| 109-112
| 67-68
| 38
| 102-106
| 76-79
| 70-73
| The nurse puts a spell on Shāh Moubad to render him impotent with Vīs
|
25
| 113-130
| 69-87
| 39
| 106-108
| 79-81
| 73-74
| Rāmīn walks in the garden and laments his love for Vīs
|
|
|
| 40
| 108-124
| 81-93
| 75-85
| Rāmīn meets the nurse in the garden and tells her his plight
|
26
| 130-140
| 87-89
| 41
| 124-134
| 93-100
| 85-92
| The nurse wins Vīs over to Rāmīn by stratagem
|
27
| 140-153
| 89-93
| 42
| 134-147
| 100-110
| 92-102
| The nurse returns to Rāmīn in the garden
|
|
| 93-100
|
|
|
|
|
|
28
| 153-157
| 100-106
| 43
| 148-151
| 111-113
| 102-105
| Vīs sees Rāmīn and falls in love with him
|
29
| 157-160
|
| 44
| 152-155
| 114-116
| 105-107
| The nurse goes once more to Vīs with news
|
30
| 160-167
| 106-112
| 45
| 155-161
| 116-120
| 107-111
| Vīs and Rāmīn come together
|
|
|
| 46
| 161-162
| 121
| 111-112
| Vīs and Rāmīn go to Kūhistān to join Moubad
|
31
| 168-176
| 112-118
| 47
| 162-171
| 122-128
| 112-117
| Moubad discovers the secret of Vīs and Rāmīn
|
32
| 176-179
| 118-121
| 48
| 171-174
| 128-130
| 117-120
| Shāh Moubad returns from Kūhistān to Khurāsān
|
33
| 180-185
| 121-126
| 49
| 174-180
| 130-135
| 120-124
| Vīs goes from Marv the royal abode to Kūhistān
|
34
| 186-188
| 126-128
| 50
| 180-182
| 135-137
| 124-125
| Rāmīn goes to Kūhistān after Vīs
|
35
| 188-194
| 128-130
| 51
| 182-187
| 137-140
| 125-129
| Moubad discovers Rāmīn's visit to Vīs, complains to his mother, and writes a letter
|
|
| 130-133
| 52
| 188-189
| 141
| 129-130
| Moubad goes from Khurāsān to Hamedān
|
36
| 195-198
| 133-136
| 53
| 189-192
| 142-144
| 130-132
| Vīrū sends a reply to Moubad
|
37
| 198-208
| 136-140
| 54
| 193-195
| 144-146
| 132-134
| Moubad chastises Vīs
|
|
| 140-144
| 55
| 195-202
| 146-152
| 134-139
| Moubad goes to the fire temple; Vīs and Rāmīn flee to Reyy
|
38
| 208-211
| 144-151
| 56
| 202-205
| 152-154
| 139-141
| Shāh Moubad wanders the world in search of Vīs
|
39
| 211-218
|
| 57
| 206-208
| 154-156
| 141-142
| Rāmīn writes a letter to his mother
|
|
|
| 58
| 208-213
| 156-160
| 142-145
| Moubad's mother gives him news of Vīs and Rāmīn and writes a letter to Rāmīn
|
40
| 218-233
| 151-168
| 59
| 213-229
| 160-171
| 146-156
| Moubad sits at the banquet with Vīs and Rāmīn, and Rāmīn sings of his plight
|
41
| 233-238
|
| 60
| 229-233
| 171-175
| 156-159
| Moubad receives tidings of the roman emperor and goes to war
|
42
| 238-243
| 168-172
| 61
| 233-238
| 175-179
| 160-164
| King Moubad takes Vīs to the castle of Ishkaft e Dīvān
|
43
| 243-247
| 173-175
| 62
| 239-241
| 179-181
| 164-166
| Vīs laments Rāmīn's departure
|
44
| 247-259
| 175-185
| 63
| 242-253
| 181-189
| 166-174
| Rāmīn comes to Vīs at the castle of Ishkaft e Dīvān
|
45
| 259-270
| 185-194
| 64
| 253-264
| 190-198
| 174-182
| King Moubad comes from Rome and goes to Vīs at the castle of Ishkaft e Dīvān
|
46
| 270-279
| 194-201
| 65
| 264-271
| 198-203
| 182-187
| Shahrū laments before Moubad
|
|
|
| 66
| 271-273
| 203-205
| 187-188
| Moubad replies to Shahrū and speaks of the beating of Vīs and the nurse
|
47
| 279-28
| 202-209
| 67
| 273-282
| 205-211
| 189-195
| Moubad entrusts Vīs to the nurse; Rāmīn comes into the garden
|
48
| 289-299
| 209-217
| 68
| 282-292
| 212-219
| 195-202
| The king receives news of Rāmīn, and goes into the garden
|
49
| 299-302
| 217-220
| 69
| 292-295
| 219-221
| 202-204
| Moubad holds a banquet in the garden and the songster minstrel sings a song
|
50
| 303-310
| 220-226
| 70
| 295-302
| 221-226
| 204-209
| Bihgū counsels Rāmīn
|
51
| 310-312
| 226-228
| 71
| 302-304
| 226-228
| 209-210
| Moubad counsels Vīs
|
Georgian text:
|
Title (according to Ward.)
| Ward.
| Leipzig
| Saunǯe
| BIḲ
| GT
| №.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Vis and Ramin part in anger
| 218-225
| 210-216
| 165-170
| 177-182
| 181-186
| 41
|
Ramin falls in love with Gul
| 226-231
| 217-222
| 170-174
| 183-188
| 186-191
| 42
|
The wedding of Ramin and Gul-Vardi
| 232-234
| 222-224
| 174-176
| 188-189
| 191-193
| 43
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Ramin's letter abandoning Vis
| 235-238
| 224-227
| 176-178
| 190-192
| 193-195
| 44
|
Vis receives Ramin's letter
| 239-247
| 228-235
| 178-185
| 193-199
| 195-201
| 45
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Vis falls sick through grief
| 248-249
| 236-237
| 185-186
| 200-201
| 201-202
| 46
|
Vis's conversation with Mishkin
| 250-251
| 237-238
| 186-187
| 202-203
| 203-204
| 47
|
The first letter of Vis to Ramin
| 252-256
| 239-242
| 187-190
| 204-207
| 204-207
| 48
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
The second letter of Vis to Ramin
| 257-259
| 243-245
| 190-192
| 208-209
| 207-209
| 49
|
The third letter of Vis to Ramin
| 260-262
| 245-247
| 192-193
| 210-211
| 210-211
| 50
|
The fourth letter of Vis to Ramin
| 263-265
| 247-250
| 193-195
| 212-214
| 210-212
| 51
|
The fifth letter of Vis to Ramin
| 266-268
| 250-252
| 195-197
| 215-216
| 212-214
| 52
|
The sixth letter of Vis to Ramin
| 269-271
| 252-255
| 197-199
| 217-219
| 214-216
| 53
|
The seventh letter of Vis to Ramin
| 272-274
| 255-257
| 199-201
| 220-221
| 216-218
| 54
|
The eighth letter of Vis to Ramin
| 275-277
| 257-260
| 201-203
| 222-224
| 218-220
| 55
|
The ninth letter of Vis to Ramin
| 278-280
| 260-262
| 203-204
| 225-226
| 220-222
| 56
|
The tenth letter of Vis to Ramin
| 281-286
| 262-267
| 204-209
| 227-231
| 222-226
| 57
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Ramin thinks on Vis
| 287-292
| 267-273
| 209-213
| 232-236
| 226-230
| 58
|
Rap'hed informs his daughter of Ramin's desertion
| 293-299
| 273-279
| 213-218
| 237-242
| 231-235
| 59
|
Ramin sees Adina
| 300-301
| 280-281
| 218-219
| 243-244
| 236-237
| 60
|
Ramin's letter to Vis
| 302-306
| 281-286
| 219-223
| 245-248
| 237-240
| 61
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Ramin comes to Marav
| 307-312
| 286-288
| 223-227
| 249-253
| 241-245
| 62
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Vis's answer
| 313-315
| 292-294
| 227-230
| 254-256
| 245-247
| 63
|
Vis's further discourse
| 316-317
| 294-296
| 230-231
| 257-258
| 247-248
| 64
|
Ramin's reply
| 318-319
| 296-298
| 231-232
| 259-260
| 248-250
| 65
|
Vis's answer
| 320-321
| 298-300
| 232-234
| 261-262
| 250-251
| 66
|
(Ramin's answer)
| 322-324
| 300-302
| 234-235
| 263-264
| 251-253
| 67
|
(Vis's answer)
| 325-326
| 302-303
| 235-236
| 265-266
| 253-254
| 68
|
Persian text:
|
№.
| TG
| Lees
| №.
| Minowī
| Mahǧūb
| Morr.
| Title (according to Morr.)
|
52
| 312-316
| 228-230
| 72
| 304-307
| 228-230
| 210-212
| Vīs replies to Moubad
|
53
| 316-324
| 231-236
| 73
| 307-315
| 230-236
| 212-218
| Rāmīn goes to Gūrāb and becomes exiled from Vīs
|
54
| 324-332
| 236-244
| 74
| 316-324
| 236-243
| 218-224
| Rāmīn goes to Gūrāb, sees Gul, and falls in love with her
|
55
| 332-337
| 244-248
| 75
| 324-327
| 243-245
| 224-226
| Rāmīn marries Gul
|
|
|
| 76
| 327-328
| 245-246
| 226-227
| Gul takes offense at Rāmīn's words
|
56
| 337-342
| 248-258
| 77
| 329-339
| 246-254
| 227-235
| Rāmīn writes a letter to Vīs
|
57
| 342-349
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
58
| 349-353
| 258-261
| 78
| 339-346
| 254-259
| 235-240
| The nurse goes to Rāmīn at Gūrāb
|
59
| 353-357
| 261-263
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 264
|
|
|
|
|
|
60
| 357-363
| 264-269
| 79
| 346-383
| 259-286
| 240-263
| Vīs writes a letter to Rāmīn and begs a meeting
|
61
| 363-366
| 269-271
|
| 352-354
| 263-265
| 243-245
| First letter
|
62
| 366-369
| 271-274
|
| 355-357
| 265-267
| 245-247
| Second letter
|
63
| 369-372
| 274-276
|
| 358-360
| 268-270
| 247-249
| Third letter
|
64
| 372-375
| 276-278
|
| 361-363
| 270-272
| 249-251
| Fourth letter
|
65
| 375-378
| 278-281
|
| 364-366
| 272-274
| 251-253
| Fifth letter
|
66
| 378-381
| 281-283
|
| 367-369
| 274-276
| 253-255
| Sixth letter
|
67
| 382-384
| 283-286
|
| 370-372
| 276-278
| 255-256
| Seventh letter
|
68
| 385-387
| 286-288
|
| 373-375
| 278-280
| 257-258
| Eighth letter
|
69
| 387-390
| 288-290
|
| 376-378
| 280-282
| 258-260
| Ninth letter
|
70
| 390-394
| 291-293
|
| 379-380
| 283-286
| 260-261
| Tenth letter
|
71
| 394-397
| 293-296
| 80
| 383-386
| 286-288
| 263-265
| Vīs sends Āzīn to Rāmīn
|
72
| 397-402
| 296-299
| 81
| 386-390
| 288-291
| 265-268
| Vīs laments her separation from Rāmīn
|
73
| 402-409
| 299-305
| 82
| 390-397
| 291-296
| 268-272
| Rāmīn regrets his marriage with Gul
|
74
| 409-417
| 305-310
| 83
| 397-404
| 296-302
| 273-277
| Gul learns of Rāmīn's regretfulness
|
75
| 417-419
| 311-312
| 84
| 404-406
| 302-303
| 278-279
| Āzīn comes to Rāmīn from Vīs
|
76
| 419-422
| 312-315
| 85
| 407-409
| 304-306
| 279-281
| Rāmīn sends a fair to Vīs
|
77
| 422-426
| 315-317
| 86
| 410-413
| 306-308
| 281-283
| Vīs learns of the coming of Rāmīn
|
78
| 426-429
| 318-320
| 87
| 413-447
| 308-334
| 283-306
| Rāmīn comes to Vīs at Marv
|
79
| 429-434
| 320-324
|
| 416-421
| 310-314
| 285-289
| Rāmīn replies to Vīs
|
80
| 434-438
| 324-329
|
| 421-427
| 314-319
| 286-289
| Vīs replies to Rāmīn
|
81
| 438-440
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
82
| 440-442
| 329-331
|
| 427-429
| 319-320
|
|
|
83
| 443-444
| 331-332
|
| 429-431
| 320-322
|
|
|
84
| 445-448
| 332-335
|
| 431-434
| 322-324
| 296-306
| Rāmīn replies to Vīs
|
85
| 448-450
| 335-336
|
| 434-436
| 324-325
|
|
|
Georgian text:
|
Title (according to Ward.)
| Ward.
| Leipzig
| Saunǯe
| BIḲ
| GT
| №.
|
(Ramin's answer)
| 327-328
| 303-304
| 236-237
| 267-268
| 254-255
| 69
|
(Vis's answer)
| 329-330
| 305-306
| 237-238
| 269-270
| 255-256
| 70
|
(Ramin's answer)
| 331-332
| 306-307
| 238-239
| 271
| 256-257
| 71
|
(Vis's answer)
| 333-334
| 307-308
| 239-240
| 272
| 257
| 72
|
(Ramin speaks again)
| 335-336
| 308-309
| 240-241
| 273
| 258
| 73
|
(Vis's answer)
| 337-338
| 309-310
| 241-242
| 274-275
| 258-259
| 74
|
(Ramin's answer)
| 339
| 311
| 242-242
| 276
| 259-260
| 75
|
(Vis's answer)
| 340-346
| 311-318
| 242-242
| 277-282
| 260-265
| 76
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
(Ramin's answer)
| 347-349
| 318-321
| 248-250
| 283-285
| 265-267
| 77
|
(Vis's answer)
| 350-351
| 321-322
| 250-251
| 286-287
| 267-268
| 78
|
(Ramin's answer)
| 352-353
| 322-323
| 251-252
| 288-289
| 268-269
| 79
|
(Vis's answer)
| 354-356
| 324-326
| 252-254
| 290-292
| 269-271
| 80
|
The union of Ramin and Vis
| 357-362
| 326-331
| 254-258
| 293-297
| 271-276
| 81
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Moabad goes to the chase
| 363-367
| 332-336
| 258-262
| 298-301
| 276-279
| 82
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
(The nurse thinks on Vis)
| 368-371
| 336-340
| 262-264
| 302-304
| 279-282
| 83
|
Vis's letter to Ramin
| 372-376
| 340-343
| 264-268
| 305-308
| 282-285
| 84
|
Ramin's soliloquy (Here Vis's letter comes to Ramin)
| 377-378
| 344-345
| 268-269
| 309-310
| 285-287
| 85
|
Ramin comes to Marav
| 379-381
| 346-348
| 269-271
| 311-313
| 287-289
| 86
|
Ramin slays Zard
| 382-385
| 348-352
| 271-274
| 314-316
| 289-291
| 87
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Shah Moabad is slain by a boar
| 386-388
| 352-354
| 274-275
| 317-318
| 291-293
| 88
|
The accession of Ramin
| 389-396
| 354-360
| 275-280
| 319-324
| 293-298
| 89
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Persian text:
|
№.
| TG
| Lees
| №.
| Minowī
| Mahǧūb
| Morr.
| Title (according to Morr.)
|
86
| 450-452
| 337-338
|
| 436-437
| 325-326
|
|
|
87
| 452-453
| 338-339
|
| 437-439
| 327-328
|
|
|
88
| 453-454
| 339-340
|
| 439-440
| 328
| 301
|
|
89
| 455-456
| 340-341
|
| 440-441
| 328-329
|
|
|
90
| 456-458
| 341-342
|
| 441-443
| 329-330
|
|
|
91
| 458-459
| 342-343
|
| 443-444
| 331-332
|
|
|
92
| 459-461
| 343-344
|
| 444-445
| 332-333
|
|
|
93
| 461-464
| 345-346
|
| 445-447
| 333-334
|
|
|
|
| 346-347
| 88
| 447-449
| 334-335
| 307-308
| Vīs grows angry, leaves her vantage point, and shuts the doors on Rāmīn
|
94
| 465-467
| 347-349
| 89
| 449-451
| 335-337
| 308-309
| Vīs repents of what she has done
|
95
| 467-471
| 349-352
| 90
| 451-464
| 337-347
| 309-318
| Vīs sends the nurse after Rāmīn and follows
|
96
| 471-475
| 352-355
|
| 455-459
| 340-343
| 312
|
|
97
| 475-477
| 355-357
|
| 459-460
| 343-344
| 315
|
|
98
| 477-479
| 357-358
|
| 460-462
| 344-345
| 316
|
|
99
| 479-486
| 358-360
|
| 462-464
| 345-347
|
|
|
100
| 482-486
| 360-363
| 91
| 464-468
| 347-350
| 319-321
| Vīs turns from Rāmīn in anger; he follows her
|
101
| 486-489
| 364-366
| 92
| 469-472
| 350-352
| 322-324
| Rāmīn makes his appearance before Shāh Moubad
|
102
| 489-496
| 366-371
| 93
| 472-485
| 352-355
| 324-326
| The king goes to the chase from the old castle in the season of spring
|
|
| 371-374
| 94
| 475-478
| 355-357
| 326-328
| Shāh Moubad goes to the chase and takes Rāmīn with him
|
103
| 496-499
| 374-377
| 95
| 478-482
| 357-360
| 329-331
| Vīs laments Rāmīn's departure and appeals to the nurse for remedy
|
104
| 500-507
| 377-379
| 96
| 482-486
| 360-363
| 331-334
| Vīs writes a letter to Rāmīn
|
|
| 379
| 97
| 486-488
| 363-365
| 334-335
| Rāmīn receives the letter of Vīs
|
105
| 597-510
| 379-382
| 98
| 489-494
| 365-369
| 335-339
| Rāmīn enters the castle by a stratagem; the death of Zard
|
106
| 510-513
| 382-384
|
|
|
|
|
|
107
| 513-515
| 384-386
| 99
| 494-496
| 369-370
| 339-341
| Rāmīn carries off Moubad's treasure and flees to Dailamān
|
108
| 515-516
| 386-387
| 100
| 496-497
| 370-371
| 341
| Moubad learns that Rāmīn has absconded with the treasure and Vīs
|
109
| 517-520
| 387-390
| 101
| 497-500
| 371-374
| 342-344
| Moubad meets his end without battle or bloodshed
|
110
| 520-528
| 390-396
| 102
| 501-506
| 374-378
| 344-348
| Rāmīn sits on the royal throne
|
111
| 528-530
| 396-398
| 103
| 506-508
| 378-380
| 348-349
| The death of Vīs
|
112
| 530-534
| 398-500
| 104
| 509-512
| 380-382
| 349-352
| Rāmīn sets his son on the throne and haunts the fire temple to his dying day
|
113
| 534-542
| 500
| 105
| 512-520
| 383-388
| 352-357
| Conclusion
|
24.
andar bastan-ī dāya mar šāh-i Moubad-rā bar Vīs
1a
ču dāya Vīsə-rā čūnān bi-ārāst
1b
ke xwaršēd az rux-ī ō nūrə mī-xwāst
2a
du čašm-ī Vīsə az girya nay-āsūd
2b
tu guftē har zamān-aš dardə bi-fzūd
3a
nihān az har kas-ē mar dāya-rā guft
3b
ke baxt-ī šūr-i man bā man bar-āšuft
4a
dil-am-rā sīrə kard az zīndagānī
4b
w-az-ō bar kandə bīx-ī šādəmānī
5a
na-dānam čāra-ē juz kuštan-ī xwēš
5b
ba kuštan rasta gardam z-īn dil-ī rēš
6a
agar tū mar ma-rā čāra na-jōyē
6b
w-az-īn andīša jān-am-rā na-šōyē
7a
man īn čāra ke guftam zūdə sāzam
7b
bad-ō kūtah kunam ranj-ē dirāz-am
8a
kujā har gah ke Moubad-rā bi-bēnam
8b
tu gōyē bar sar-ī ātaš našēnam
9a
če marg āyad ba pēš-ī man če Moubad
9b
ke rōz-aš bādə ham-čūn rōz-i man bad
10a
agar-če dil ba āb-ī ṣabrə šust-ast
10b
havāy-ī dil hanūz az man na-just-ast
11a
hamē tarsam ke rōz-ē ham bi-jōyad
11b
nihufta rāz-i dil rōz-ē bi-gōyad
12a
ze pēš-ī ān ke ō jōyad ze man kām
12b
tu-rā gustardə bāyad dar rah-aš dām
13a
ke man yak sālə na-spāram bad-ō tan
13b
bi-parhīzam ze pād-afrāh-i dušman
14a
na-bāšad sūk-i Qāran kam ze yak sāl
14b
ma-rā yak sālə bēnī ham bad-īn ḥāl
15a
na-dārad Moubad-am yak sālə āzarm
15b
kujā ō-rā ze man na bīm u na' šarm
16a
yak-ē neyrangə sāz az hōšəmandī
16b
m-agar mardīšə-rā bar man bi-bandī
24.
1a
ra ʒiʒaman šeḳazma Visi,
2a
ṭirilisagan ar gamoisvenebdis,
2b
tu stkva, c̣amsa da c̣amsa č̣iri moemaṭeboda.
{15. 69-71}
Visisa da ʒiʒisagan Moabadisa mamacobisa šeḳrva
3a
merme Visi sac̣utro-moc̣q̇enilman malvit ḳactagan ʒiʒasa utxra da
3b
"čemi bedi mebrʒvis dġe da ġame. šeexvec̣a:
4a
gaʒġa guli čemi sicocxlisagan
4b
da gamqmara ʒiri čemisa sixarulisa xisa.
5a
ara vici, tu čemi ġone ra-ġa-a tavisa moḳlvisagan ḳide,
5b
romel nu-tu-mca siḳvdilita daveqsen čemsa q̇opasa!
6a
ac̣ tu šen čemsa ġonesa ar eʒeb
6b
da ama č̣irisagan ar miqsni,
7a
me, vita mitkvams, agre adre tavsa moviḳlav,
8a
amit romel, ra Moabads davinaxav,
8b
vita-mca cecxlsa ševsdgebodi.
9a
siḳvdilisa danaxva da misi — sc̣orad mičns.
9b
ġmertman Moabadis sac̣utro asre mc̣are kmnas, vita čemi.
10a
tu-ca ǯeret datmobisa c̣q̇lita guli daubania
10b
da gulis-neba čemgan ar uʒebnia,
11a
amis mešinian, romel ver gaʒlos
11b
da xvašiadi damaluli gamoacxados.
12a
ac̣e vi-re igi čemgan nebasa eʒebdes,
12b
šen gzasa zeda maxe dauge.
13a
ese icode, romel me ert c̣lamdis tavsa ar mivscem
13b
da me tvit siḳvdilisatvis tav-ganc̣iruli var.
14a
mamisa čemisa ṭḳivili amisagan umcro ar egebis.
14b
munamdi me esre vikmnebi,
15a
ert c̣lamdis Moabad ar damtmobs da ar-ca mimišvebs,
15b
amit romel mas čemgan ar-ca rcxvenian da ar-ca ešinian.
16a
ac̣ šemic̣q̇ale, šeneburad daiurve,
16b
misi mamacoba šeḳar čemzeda.